THE DISMANTLING OF CANADIAN DEMOCRACY PROMOTION, BRICK BY BRICK
(The Globe and Mail) - By Nicholas Galletti and Marc Lemieux
The election-related violence in Haiti that made headlines recently was, sadly, all too predictable. The record amount of money pledged to Haiti following a devastating earthquake was not enough to get the country back on its feet. The absence of a sustainable democracy is the root of the problem in Haiti – not poor construction or lack of funds. Everyone knows this.
But donor countries, including Canada, ignored this reality despite decades of experience. The 2006 presidential election in Haiti was marred by the same politicized electoral commission and lack of transparency. The crucial institution-building that was necessary to avoid a repeat was never completed. Food aid, reconstruction and security are doomed to failure under the weight of corruption, impunity and weak institutions.
This is exactly what Parliament’s Foreign Affairs committee recognized in 2007 when it published a landmark report aimed at advancing Canada’s role in democratic development overseas. Democracy is vital to ensuring that all other development efforts are effective. Democratic institutions and processes allow citizens to participate in the decisions that affect their lives, including economic and social development.
The Harper government followed with a promise in its Throne Speech in 2008 to create “a new, non-partisan democracy promotion agency … to support the peaceful transition to democracy in repressive countries and help emerging democracies build strong institutions.” Whether or not Canada needs a new agency to do this while many already exist with similar mandates is a topic of much debate. But the idea of making Canada a leader in democratic development abroad was welcome by all in this field.
This noble new foreign policy direction was short-lived. Instead of building up and strengthening Canada’s democracy support architecture, our government has been systematically dismantling it.
The Canadian International Development Agency’s Office of Democratic Governance, which channelled much of Canada’s democracy funding, was disbanded. The Department of Foreign Affairs’ Democracy Unit was folded into the Francophonie and Commonwealth division.
The Democracy Council, a forum for discussion and collaboration among Canadian democracy promotion agencies, disappeared despite interest from both government and non-government actors to see it expand.
The Parliamentary Centre’s Sudan and Haiti programs were “de-prioritized.” And our former organizations, Rights & Democracy and the Forum of Federations, have been rendered impotent by partisan and ideological board appointments and de-funding respectively.
And what of the new agency that was to make Canada a world leader in democracy promotion? Some say it was the victim of the disaster imposed on Rights & Democracy by its board; others cite the focus on austerity sweeping Ottawa. Either way, it has been put on the “back burner”.
One of the reasons stated for establishing this new agency was that many Canadian democracy experts were working for American agencies, instead of employing their talents on Canada’s behalf. Far from repatriating our home-grown expertise, we are in the process of exporting whatever is left.
And this is happening at exactly a time when Canada has an opportunity to fill a void in democracy support. In the wake of George W. Bush’s failed “freedom agenda,” which included using democracy promotion as the ex post facto justification for the invasion of Iraq, the Obama administration has been lukewarm to further adventures in promoting democracy. There is a shift back to a pragmatic concern for stability in U.S. foreign policy.
But the desire for democracy, for a choice in how one is governed and by whom, for basic human rights, will not disappear. The Haitians protesting a flawed election are proof of this universal desire.
This presents a clear opportunity for Canada to play a greater role in strengthening NGOs, political parties, electoral commissions, parliaments, federal-provincial frameworks, and other pillars of democracy. Canada’s approach of assisting developing countries and their citizens in building lasting democracies was viewed positively by many in our partner countries.
Unfortunately, following our embarrassing loss of a UN Security Council seat, the dismantling of our democracy support capacity is another missed opportunity for Canada on the world stage.
Nicholas Galletti was the former senior policy adviser to the president of Rights & Democracy. Marc Lemieux was a former director at the Forum of Federations and visiting professor at the University of Ottawa.
Friday, December 31, 2010
ARTICLE - ELECTION OUTCOME IN DOUBT
RECOUNT AND REVIEW OF HAITI'S ELECTION TALLY SHOW MASSIVE IRREGULARITIES - ELECTION OUTCOME IN DOUBT
(CommonDreams.org) - Source - CEPR - http://www.cepr.net/
WASHINGTON - An independent recount and review of 11,171 tally sheets from Haiti’s November 28 election shows that the outcome of the election is indeterminate. The review, conducted by the Center for Economic and Policy Research (CEPR), found massive irregularities and errors in the tally. A report detailing the recount’s findings, and methodology, will be made available next week.
“With so many irregularities, errors, and fraudulent vote totals, it is impossible to say what the results of this election really are,” said Mark Weisbrot, economist and CEPR Co-Director.
“If the Organization of American States certifies this election, this would be a political decision, having nothing to do with election monitoring,” said Weisbrot. “They would lose all credibility as a neutral election-monitoring organization.”
Among the preliminary findings:
While OAS Assistant Secretary General Albert Ramdin was quoted by the Associated Press as saying that “Nearly 4 percent of polling place tally sheets used to calculate the results were thrown out for alleged fraud at the tabulation center,” the actual number is closer to 12 percent. CEPR found that 11.9 percent (1,324) of the tally sheets were either never received by the CEP (Haiti’s Provisional Electoral Council) or were quarantined by the CEP due to irregularities. These tally sheets added up to more than 15 percent of the total votes counted.
In addition to the 11.9 percent of tally sheets not counted by the CEP, CEPR found that 6.4 percent of the tally sheets were irregular. These tally sheets contained vote counts that were so far outside the distribution of votes that they would not be considered valid. If we add these to the tally sheets not counted by the CEP, there are more than 18 percent of tally sheets – representing more than 22 percent of votes counted -- that are invalid.
In addition, there were widespread clerical errors – mis-recorded numbers – on the tally sheets: 5.4 percent of tally sheets had numbers that were obvious clerical errors. Although these errors did not necessarily affect the distribution of votes among the candidates, they add another element of uncertainty to the vote count. It is clear that with so many mistakes in recorded totals in the tally sheets, there would have to be errors in the candidate vote counts in addition to those that CEPR detected.
Turnout was extremely low: an estimated 22.3 percent of the electorate participated, as compared with 59.3 percent in the last (2006) presidential election. This was partly due to the fact that more than 12 political parties were arbitrarily excluded from participating in the election, including the country’s most popular political party.
Internally displaced people (IDP’s), who have been made homeless by the earthquake, were especially disenfranchised. In the cities of Port-au-Prince, Carrefour, Delmas and Petionville – which contain 20 percent of Haiti’s registered voters – the average participation rate was just 12.4 percent (11.25 percent if we remove additional irregular tally sheets).
“This election was of questionable legitimacy to begin with because the electoral authorities banned over a dozen political parties, including the country’s most popular political party,” said Weisbrot. “But with this massive level of irregularity, fraud, and disenfranchisement, it can hardly be considered a legitimate election.”
###
The Center for Economic and Policy Research (CEPR) was established in 1999 to promote democratic debate on the most important economic and social issues that affect people's lives. In order for citizens to effectively exercise their voices in a democracy, they should be informed about the problems and choices that they face. CEPR is committed to presenting issues in an accurate and understandable manner, so that the public is better prepared to choose among the various policy options.
(CommonDreams.org) - Source - CEPR - http://www.cepr.net/
WASHINGTON - An independent recount and review of 11,171 tally sheets from Haiti’s November 28 election shows that the outcome of the election is indeterminate. The review, conducted by the Center for Economic and Policy Research (CEPR), found massive irregularities and errors in the tally. A report detailing the recount’s findings, and methodology, will be made available next week.
“With so many irregularities, errors, and fraudulent vote totals, it is impossible to say what the results of this election really are,” said Mark Weisbrot, economist and CEPR Co-Director.
“If the Organization of American States certifies this election, this would be a political decision, having nothing to do with election monitoring,” said Weisbrot. “They would lose all credibility as a neutral election-monitoring organization.”
Among the preliminary findings:
While OAS Assistant Secretary General Albert Ramdin was quoted by the Associated Press as saying that “Nearly 4 percent of polling place tally sheets used to calculate the results were thrown out for alleged fraud at the tabulation center,” the actual number is closer to 12 percent. CEPR found that 11.9 percent (1,324) of the tally sheets were either never received by the CEP (Haiti’s Provisional Electoral Council) or were quarantined by the CEP due to irregularities. These tally sheets added up to more than 15 percent of the total votes counted.
In addition to the 11.9 percent of tally sheets not counted by the CEP, CEPR found that 6.4 percent of the tally sheets were irregular. These tally sheets contained vote counts that were so far outside the distribution of votes that they would not be considered valid. If we add these to the tally sheets not counted by the CEP, there are more than 18 percent of tally sheets – representing more than 22 percent of votes counted -- that are invalid.
In addition, there were widespread clerical errors – mis-recorded numbers – on the tally sheets: 5.4 percent of tally sheets had numbers that were obvious clerical errors. Although these errors did not necessarily affect the distribution of votes among the candidates, they add another element of uncertainty to the vote count. It is clear that with so many mistakes in recorded totals in the tally sheets, there would have to be errors in the candidate vote counts in addition to those that CEPR detected.
Turnout was extremely low: an estimated 22.3 percent of the electorate participated, as compared with 59.3 percent in the last (2006) presidential election. This was partly due to the fact that more than 12 political parties were arbitrarily excluded from participating in the election, including the country’s most popular political party.
Internally displaced people (IDP’s), who have been made homeless by the earthquake, were especially disenfranchised. In the cities of Port-au-Prince, Carrefour, Delmas and Petionville – which contain 20 percent of Haiti’s registered voters – the average participation rate was just 12.4 percent (11.25 percent if we remove additional irregular tally sheets).
“This election was of questionable legitimacy to begin with because the electoral authorities banned over a dozen political parties, including the country’s most popular political party,” said Weisbrot. “But with this massive level of irregularity, fraud, and disenfranchisement, it can hardly be considered a legitimate election.”
###
The Center for Economic and Policy Research (CEPR) was established in 1999 to promote democratic debate on the most important economic and social issues that affect people's lives. In order for citizens to effectively exercise their voices in a democracy, they should be informed about the problems and choices that they face. CEPR is committed to presenting issues in an accurate and understandable manner, so that the public is better prepared to choose among the various policy options.
ARTICLE - OAS MONITORS RESULTS
INTERNATIONAL MONITORS TRY TO BREAK HAITI STALEMATE
(AFP) - By Clarens Renois
PORT-AU-PRINCE — International monitors began Thursday a drawn-out vote verification process aimed at breaking the political impasse in Haiti following last month's disputed presidential elections.
The team of 10 from the Organization of American States comprised statisticians and electoral and legal experts from the United States, Chile, Canada, France and Jamaica.
"The work will start today and the objective is to work through the weekend," OAS assistant secretary-general Albert Ramdin told AFP, speaking in Washington.
Ramdin predicted no public statements would be made during a behind-closed-doors process that will culminate in a report being presented to President Rene Preval, probably next week.
"They will be at the tabulation centers to understand the whole system as it has operated, which procedures were followed, how it was executed and then they will look at the result sheets and how it was counted," he said.
Preliminary results of the November 28 polls had former first lady Mirlande Manigat in the lead with 31 percent of the vote, followed by ruling party candidate Jude Celestin with 22 percent.
If those results hold, the two should advance to a run-off scheduled for January 16, but the count was rejected by popular singer Michel Martelly, who trailed Celestin in third by less than 7,000 votes.
Martelly's supporters and others took to the streets after the preliminary results, torching cars and government buildings and clashing with rival supporters and UN peacekeepers in violence that killed at least five people.
Preval, who stands accused of rigging the elections in favor of Celestin, has delayed the announcement of definitive results until after the OAS team has reported its findings.
Election day was a mess. Polling stations were trashed and thousands were unable to vote, either because they were not on the register or because they lacked identification papers lost in the earthquake.
The chaotic vote further destabilized a desperately poor Caribbean nation that is still trying to recover from the quake in January that killed a quarter of a million people.
Since mid-October, Haiti, whose recent history has been plagued by violent dictatorships and political upheaval, has also been battling a cholera outbreak that has claimed almost 3,000 lives and infected.
Many of the 19 presidential candidates have rejected the OAS verification mission and are calling for the first round to be scrapped and re-run, accusing Preval of orchestrating blatant rigging in favor of Celestin.
The front-runner, 70-year-old Manigat, urged the the international community last week not to impose its own political solution on the quake-hit nation.
"The OAS fancies itself the great fixer of the crisis, but how much time will it need to complete its work?" she asked, expressing concern that a prolonged verification process could delay the run-off.
Preval has warned it would be unwise to replace him with a transitional government if the political uncertainty is not sorted out before his mandate expires on February 7.
His comments raised the possibility he may seek an emergency three-month extension to his presidency -- through to mid-May -- a course mooted by his government earlier this year.
Increasingly unpopular and facing growing blame for the limp recovery as the first anniversary of the quake approaches, Preval is barred by the Haitian constitution from seeking a third term.
Before any actual recount, Ramdin said OAS experts may want to examine the benchmarks used by Haiti's Provisional Electoral Council (CEP) in determining valid tally sheets.
"The focus today and tomorrow is really to look into all the systems and then agree on how they are going to proceed. I am sure the experts will stay on until next week," Ramdin said.
Asked if the run-off might need to be delayed because of the protracted recount and verification process, Ramdin said that was a matter for the Haitian authorities and the CEP.
"They have their own benchmarks in terms of how many days they need to prepare for the second round, so they will have to be the ones speaking on this," he told AFP.
The US embassy called the election results "inconsistent," but the international community as a whole has stopped short of discrediting the vote, urging only that the will of the Haitian people is respected.
(AFP) - By Clarens Renois
PORT-AU-PRINCE — International monitors began Thursday a drawn-out vote verification process aimed at breaking the political impasse in Haiti following last month's disputed presidential elections.
The team of 10 from the Organization of American States comprised statisticians and electoral and legal experts from the United States, Chile, Canada, France and Jamaica.
"The work will start today and the objective is to work through the weekend," OAS assistant secretary-general Albert Ramdin told AFP, speaking in Washington.
Ramdin predicted no public statements would be made during a behind-closed-doors process that will culminate in a report being presented to President Rene Preval, probably next week.
"They will be at the tabulation centers to understand the whole system as it has operated, which procedures were followed, how it was executed and then they will look at the result sheets and how it was counted," he said.
Preliminary results of the November 28 polls had former first lady Mirlande Manigat in the lead with 31 percent of the vote, followed by ruling party candidate Jude Celestin with 22 percent.
If those results hold, the two should advance to a run-off scheduled for January 16, but the count was rejected by popular singer Michel Martelly, who trailed Celestin in third by less than 7,000 votes.
Martelly's supporters and others took to the streets after the preliminary results, torching cars and government buildings and clashing with rival supporters and UN peacekeepers in violence that killed at least five people.
Preval, who stands accused of rigging the elections in favor of Celestin, has delayed the announcement of definitive results until after the OAS team has reported its findings.
Election day was a mess. Polling stations were trashed and thousands were unable to vote, either because they were not on the register or because they lacked identification papers lost in the earthquake.
The chaotic vote further destabilized a desperately poor Caribbean nation that is still trying to recover from the quake in January that killed a quarter of a million people.
Since mid-October, Haiti, whose recent history has been plagued by violent dictatorships and political upheaval, has also been battling a cholera outbreak that has claimed almost 3,000 lives and infected.
Many of the 19 presidential candidates have rejected the OAS verification mission and are calling for the first round to be scrapped and re-run, accusing Preval of orchestrating blatant rigging in favor of Celestin.
The front-runner, 70-year-old Manigat, urged the the international community last week not to impose its own political solution on the quake-hit nation.
"The OAS fancies itself the great fixer of the crisis, but how much time will it need to complete its work?" she asked, expressing concern that a prolonged verification process could delay the run-off.
Preval has warned it would be unwise to replace him with a transitional government if the political uncertainty is not sorted out before his mandate expires on February 7.
His comments raised the possibility he may seek an emergency three-month extension to his presidency -- through to mid-May -- a course mooted by his government earlier this year.
Increasingly unpopular and facing growing blame for the limp recovery as the first anniversary of the quake approaches, Preval is barred by the Haitian constitution from seeking a third term.
Before any actual recount, Ramdin said OAS experts may want to examine the benchmarks used by Haiti's Provisional Electoral Council (CEP) in determining valid tally sheets.
"The focus today and tomorrow is really to look into all the systems and then agree on how they are going to proceed. I am sure the experts will stay on until next week," Ramdin said.
Asked if the run-off might need to be delayed because of the protracted recount and verification process, Ramdin said that was a matter for the Haitian authorities and the CEP.
"They have their own benchmarks in terms of how many days they need to prepare for the second round, so they will have to be the ones speaking on this," he told AFP.
The US embassy called the election results "inconsistent," but the international community as a whole has stopped short of discrediting the vote, urging only that the will of the Haitian people is respected.
ARTICLE - HAITI PM CRITICISES REBUILDING EFFORTS
HAITI PM CRITICISES POST-EARTHQUAKE REBUILDING EFFORTS
(BBC)
The prime minister of Haiti has criticised the international community for not allowing his country to play a bigger role in its own reconstruction following last January's earthquake.
Jean-Max Bellerive told the BBC his government had too little influence because aid money was channelled through outside agencies.
He added that only 20% of the aid pledged had been received so far.
Nearly one year on, more than one million Haitians still live in camps.
Mr Bellerive said donors and the international community were not working with Haitians to find solutions when channelling aid to those who need it. He said greater control of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) was needed.
"Let's be clear, I have nothing against NGOs - we need them. What I need is to have control over what they do in my country, where they do it and with whom they are doing it, and at what cost," he said.
Mr Bellerive said he was constantly being asked why there were no visible results from donated money.
"It's very difficult for me to give explanation for the use of money that I never receive," he said.
(BBC)
The prime minister of Haiti has criticised the international community for not allowing his country to play a bigger role in its own reconstruction following last January's earthquake.
Jean-Max Bellerive told the BBC his government had too little influence because aid money was channelled through outside agencies.
He added that only 20% of the aid pledged had been received so far.
Nearly one year on, more than one million Haitians still live in camps.
Mr Bellerive said donors and the international community were not working with Haitians to find solutions when channelling aid to those who need it. He said greater control of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) was needed.
"Let's be clear, I have nothing against NGOs - we need them. What I need is to have control over what they do in my country, where they do it and with whom they are doing it, and at what cost," he said.
Mr Bellerive said he was constantly being asked why there were no visible results from donated money.
"It's very difficult for me to give explanation for the use of money that I never receive," he said.
ARTICLE - OAS REMOVES RICARDO SEITENFUS
OAS REMOVES SPECIAL REPRESENTATIVE IN HAITI FROM POST
(Latin American Herald Tribune) -
SANTO DOMINGO – The Organization of American States removed its special representative in Haiti, Ricardo Seitenfus, from his post, a diplomat said on condition of anonymity.
The move came after the publication in a Swiss newspaper of remarks attributed to the diplomat in which he questioned the role of the U.N. Stabilization Mission for Haiti, or Minustah, which has been in the country since 2004, and the policy of the international community toward the Caribbean nation.
Seitenfus said in the interview published Dec. 20 that the U.N. had “imposed” the presence of its troops in Haiti despite the fact that the country was not involved in a civil war.
“Haiti is not an international threat. We’re not in a situation of civil war. Haiti is neither Iraq nor Afghanistan. However, the (U.N.) Security Council, given the lack of any alternative, has imposed the blue helmets since 2004, after the exit of the president (Jean-Bertrand Aristide),” the OAS diplomat told Switzerland’s Le Temps.
The Brazilian diplomat, who had been scheduled to leave the post anyway in the coming months, also said in the interview that Haiti “is on the international stage mainly due to its great proximity to the United States. Haiti has been the object of negative attention on the part of the international system. For the U.N., this is about freezing power and transforming the Haitians into prisoners on their own island,” namely Hispaniola, which Haiti shares with the Dominican Republic.
“The Haitians committed the unacceptable in 1804 (the year of their independence): a crime of lese majesty for an anxious world. The West (was) then a colonial, slave-holding and racist world that based its wealth on the exploitation of conquered lands. So, the Haitian revolutionary model made the great powers afraid,” Seitenfus said.
The OAS official also analyzed the role of non-governmental organizations in Haiti, in particular after the Jan. 12 earthquake, and he said that “the cooperative (organizations) that arrived after the quake are not very old; they came to Haiti without any experience ... (and) after the earthquake, the professional quality fell a great deal. There exists a maleficent or perverse relationship between the NGOs’ strength and the Haitian state’s weakness.”
Seitenfus, in addition to his responsibilities with the OAS, was that organization’s delegate to the Interim Haiti Reconstruction Commission, or IHRC.
(Latin American Herald Tribune) -
SANTO DOMINGO – The Organization of American States removed its special representative in Haiti, Ricardo Seitenfus, from his post, a diplomat said on condition of anonymity.
The move came after the publication in a Swiss newspaper of remarks attributed to the diplomat in which he questioned the role of the U.N. Stabilization Mission for Haiti, or Minustah, which has been in the country since 2004, and the policy of the international community toward the Caribbean nation.
Seitenfus said in the interview published Dec. 20 that the U.N. had “imposed” the presence of its troops in Haiti despite the fact that the country was not involved in a civil war.
“Haiti is not an international threat. We’re not in a situation of civil war. Haiti is neither Iraq nor Afghanistan. However, the (U.N.) Security Council, given the lack of any alternative, has imposed the blue helmets since 2004, after the exit of the president (Jean-Bertrand Aristide),” the OAS diplomat told Switzerland’s Le Temps.
The Brazilian diplomat, who had been scheduled to leave the post anyway in the coming months, also said in the interview that Haiti “is on the international stage mainly due to its great proximity to the United States. Haiti has been the object of negative attention on the part of the international system. For the U.N., this is about freezing power and transforming the Haitians into prisoners on their own island,” namely Hispaniola, which Haiti shares with the Dominican Republic.
“The Haitians committed the unacceptable in 1804 (the year of their independence): a crime of lese majesty for an anxious world. The West (was) then a colonial, slave-holding and racist world that based its wealth on the exploitation of conquered lands. So, the Haitian revolutionary model made the great powers afraid,” Seitenfus said.
The OAS official also analyzed the role of non-governmental organizations in Haiti, in particular after the Jan. 12 earthquake, and he said that “the cooperative (organizations) that arrived after the quake are not very old; they came to Haiti without any experience ... (and) after the earthquake, the professional quality fell a great deal. There exists a maleficent or perverse relationship between the NGOs’ strength and the Haitian state’s weakness.”
Seitenfus, in addition to his responsibilities with the OAS, was that organization’s delegate to the Interim Haiti Reconstruction Commission, or IHRC.
ARTICLE - FAILURE OF THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY
THE CAUSES OF THE FAILURE OF THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY IN HAITI
(HaitiLibre)
In an interview published Monday in the newspaper "Le Temps" in Switzerland, the representative of the Secretary General of the OAS, Ricardo Seitenfus explains the causes and errors which led to the failure of the international community in Haiti.
Ten thousand peacekeepers in Haiti. In your opinion, a counter-productive presence?
Ricardo Seitenfus: The system of prevention of disputes within the UN system "cadre" is not adapted to the Haitian context. Haiti is not an international threat. We are not in a civil war situation. Haiti is neither Iraq nor Afghanistan. And yet the Security Council, lacking another alternative, have imposed peacekeepers since 2004, after the departure of President Aristide. Since 1990, we are here in our eighth UN mission. Haiti has seen since 1986 and the departure of Jean-Claude Duvalier what I call a "low intensity conflict". We are confronted with power struggles among political actors who do not respect the "democratic game". But it seems to me that Haiti, on the international scene, pays essentially for its' proximity to the United States. Haiti has been the subject of negative attention on the part of the international system. It can be said that the UN has "frozen power" and transforms Haitians into prisoners on their own island. The anguish of boat people explains many of the international decisions concerning Haiti. We want at any price that they stay home.
What prevents the normalization of the Haitian case?
Ricardo Seitenfus: For two hundred years, the presence of foreign troops has alternated with that of dictators. It is force which defines international relations with Haiti and never dialogue. The original sin of Haiti, on the world scene is its' liberation'. The Haitians committed the unacceptable in 1804: a crime of "self-majesty" for a troubled world. The West has always been a colonial world. Slavery and racism are the foundation of its' wealth on the exploitation of conquered lands. Therefore, the Haitian revolutionary model scares the superpowers. The United States did not recognize Haiti's independence until 1865. France required payment of a ransom to accept its' liberation. From the beginning, independence is compromised and the development of the country hampered. The world has never known how to deal with Haiti, so it ended up ignoring it. Thus began two hundred years of solitude on the international scene. Today, the UN has blindly applied Chapter 7 of its' charter. It deploys troops to impose its' peace operation. Nothing is solved, only made worse. We want to make Haiti a capitalist country, an export platform for the American market. It is absurd. Haiti must return to what it is, that is to say, a predominantly agricultural country still fundamentally imbued with customary rights. The country is continually described in terms of its violence. But without a state, the level of violence reaches only a fraction of that of Latin American countries. There are elements that exist in this society that have prevented the violence from spreading beyond measure.
Is not a resignation to see a nation unassimilable in Haiti, whose only horizon is a return to traditional values?
Ricardo Seitenfus: There is a part of Haiti that is modern and urban. It is estimated that 4 million Haitians live beyond its' borders. It is a country open to the world. I do not dream of a return to the 16th century, to an agrarian society. But Haiti lives under the influence of the world, the NGOs, and universal charity. More than 90% of the education and health systems are in private hands. The country does not have the public resources to be able to operate a minimal state system. The UN fails to take account of cultural features. Condensing Haiti to a peace operation is making challenges to the country's economy. The problem is socio-economic. When the unemployment rate has reached 80%, it is not supportable to deploy a stabilization mission. There is nothing to stabilize and everything to build.
Haiti is one of the most subsidized countries in the world and yet the situation has only deteriorated over the past twenty-five years. Why?
Ricardo Seitenfus: The emergency aid is effective. But when it becomes structural, when it replaces the state in all its missions, it leads to a collective lack of responsibility. If there exists a proof of the failure of international aid, it is Haiti. The country has become a Mecca. The earthquake of January 12th and then the cholera epidemic only accentuate this phenomenon. The international community has the feeling of having to repeat every day what it ended up doing the previous day. Haiti fatigue begins to emerge. This small nation has startled the world's conscience with disaster after disaster. I had hoped that in the distress of January 12th, the world would understand what they had done wrong with Haiti. Unfortunately, it has reinforced the same policy. Instead of taking stock, we send more soldiers. We must build roads, erect dams, participate in the organization of the State, the judicial system. The UN says that it does not have the mandate for that. Its' mandate in Haiti "is to keep peace in the cemetery".
What role do NGOs play in this bankruptcy?
Ricardo Seitenfus: Since the earthquake, Haiti has become a crossroads. For the international NGOs, Haiti has become "a place of forced passage". I would say even worse that it is a "training ground". The age of those who arrived after the earthquake is very young; they landed in Haiti without any experience. And Haiti, I can tell you, is not suitable for amateurs. After Jan. 12, because of massive recruitment, the professional quality has declined significantly. There is a sad relationship between the strength of the NGOs and the weakness of the Haitian state. Some NGOs exist only because of the misfortune of Haiti.
What mistakes were made after the earthquake?
Ricardo Seitenfus: Faced with the massive importation of consumer goods to feed the homeless, the situation of Haitian agriculture has deteriorated further. The country offers an open field to all humanitarian experiences. It is unacceptable from a moral standpoint to consider Haiti as a laboratory. The reconstruction of Haiti and the promise of $ 11 billion inflames lust. It seems that a lot of people come to Haiti, not for Haiti, but to do business. For me as an American it is a disgrace, an affront to our conscience. An example: the Haitian doctors that Cuba trained. More than 500 have been educated in Havana. Nearly half of them, though they should be in Haiti, are working today in the United States, Canada or France. The Cuban revolution is currently financing the training of human resources for its capitalist neighbors...
We constantly describe Haiti as the margin of the world, you feel rather that the country is a concentrate of our contemporary world?
Ricardo Seitenfus: It is the concentration of our tragedies and failures of international solidarity. We do not rise to the challenge. The world press comes to Haiti and describes the chaos. The reaction of public opinion is not unexpected. For public opinion, Haiti is one of the worst countries in the world. We must go to the Haitian culture, we must go local. I think there are too many doctors at the bedside and the majority of these doctors are economists. But in Haiti, we need anthropologists, sociologists, historians, political scientists and even theologians. Haiti is too complex for people who are in a hurry. Nobody takes the time or tries to understand what I might call "the Haitian soul". The Haitians have well grasped, that we are considered, we the international community as "a milk cow". They want to take advantage of this presence and they do so with extraordinary mastery. If the Haitians consider us only for the money that we bring it is because we are presenting ourselves like that.
Beyond the admission of failure, what solutions do you offer?
Ricardo Seitenfus: In two months, I will complete a two-year mission in Haiti. To stay here and not be overwhelmed by what I see, I had to create a number of psychological defenses. I wanted to remain an independent voice despite the weight of the organization that I represent. I have taken this view because I wanted to express my profound doubts and tell the world that it is enough. It is enough of playing with Haiti. January 12th taught me that there exists a potential of extraordinary solidarity in the world. Also, we should not forget that in the first days, it was the Haitians themselves, with bare hands, who tried to save their loved ones. Compassion has been very important in this emergency. But charity can not be the driving force in international relations. It is autonomy, sovereignty, fair trade, respect for others which must be. We need to think simultaneously of providing export opportunities for Haiti but also protect the "family farm" which is essential for the country. Haiti is the last untapped Caribbean paradise for tourism, with 1700 kilometers of pristine coastline and we need to encourage cultural tourism and avoid paving the way for a "new Eldorado" of mass tourism. The lessons that we have given have been ineffective for too long. The reconstruction and the accompaniment of a rich society is one of the last great human adventures. For 200 years, Haiti has illuminated the history of mankind and of human rights. We must provide an opportunity for the Haitians to confirm their vision.
(HaitiLibre)
In an interview published Monday in the newspaper "Le Temps" in Switzerland, the representative of the Secretary General of the OAS, Ricardo Seitenfus explains the causes and errors which led to the failure of the international community in Haiti.
Ten thousand peacekeepers in Haiti. In your opinion, a counter-productive presence?
Ricardo Seitenfus: The system of prevention of disputes within the UN system "cadre" is not adapted to the Haitian context. Haiti is not an international threat. We are not in a civil war situation. Haiti is neither Iraq nor Afghanistan. And yet the Security Council, lacking another alternative, have imposed peacekeepers since 2004, after the departure of President Aristide. Since 1990, we are here in our eighth UN mission. Haiti has seen since 1986 and the departure of Jean-Claude Duvalier what I call a "low intensity conflict". We are confronted with power struggles among political actors who do not respect the "democratic game". But it seems to me that Haiti, on the international scene, pays essentially for its' proximity to the United States. Haiti has been the subject of negative attention on the part of the international system. It can be said that the UN has "frozen power" and transforms Haitians into prisoners on their own island. The anguish of boat people explains many of the international decisions concerning Haiti. We want at any price that they stay home.
What prevents the normalization of the Haitian case?
Ricardo Seitenfus: For two hundred years, the presence of foreign troops has alternated with that of dictators. It is force which defines international relations with Haiti and never dialogue. The original sin of Haiti, on the world scene is its' liberation'. The Haitians committed the unacceptable in 1804: a crime of "self-majesty" for a troubled world. The West has always been a colonial world. Slavery and racism are the foundation of its' wealth on the exploitation of conquered lands. Therefore, the Haitian revolutionary model scares the superpowers. The United States did not recognize Haiti's independence until 1865. France required payment of a ransom to accept its' liberation. From the beginning, independence is compromised and the development of the country hampered. The world has never known how to deal with Haiti, so it ended up ignoring it. Thus began two hundred years of solitude on the international scene. Today, the UN has blindly applied Chapter 7 of its' charter. It deploys troops to impose its' peace operation. Nothing is solved, only made worse. We want to make Haiti a capitalist country, an export platform for the American market. It is absurd. Haiti must return to what it is, that is to say, a predominantly agricultural country still fundamentally imbued with customary rights. The country is continually described in terms of its violence. But without a state, the level of violence reaches only a fraction of that of Latin American countries. There are elements that exist in this society that have prevented the violence from spreading beyond measure.
Is not a resignation to see a nation unassimilable in Haiti, whose only horizon is a return to traditional values?
Ricardo Seitenfus: There is a part of Haiti that is modern and urban. It is estimated that 4 million Haitians live beyond its' borders. It is a country open to the world. I do not dream of a return to the 16th century, to an agrarian society. But Haiti lives under the influence of the world, the NGOs, and universal charity. More than 90% of the education and health systems are in private hands. The country does not have the public resources to be able to operate a minimal state system. The UN fails to take account of cultural features. Condensing Haiti to a peace operation is making challenges to the country's economy. The problem is socio-economic. When the unemployment rate has reached 80%, it is not supportable to deploy a stabilization mission. There is nothing to stabilize and everything to build.
Haiti is one of the most subsidized countries in the world and yet the situation has only deteriorated over the past twenty-five years. Why?
Ricardo Seitenfus: The emergency aid is effective. But when it becomes structural, when it replaces the state in all its missions, it leads to a collective lack of responsibility. If there exists a proof of the failure of international aid, it is Haiti. The country has become a Mecca. The earthquake of January 12th and then the cholera epidemic only accentuate this phenomenon. The international community has the feeling of having to repeat every day what it ended up doing the previous day. Haiti fatigue begins to emerge. This small nation has startled the world's conscience with disaster after disaster. I had hoped that in the distress of January 12th, the world would understand what they had done wrong with Haiti. Unfortunately, it has reinforced the same policy. Instead of taking stock, we send more soldiers. We must build roads, erect dams, participate in the organization of the State, the judicial system. The UN says that it does not have the mandate for that. Its' mandate in Haiti "is to keep peace in the cemetery".
What role do NGOs play in this bankruptcy?
Ricardo Seitenfus: Since the earthquake, Haiti has become a crossroads. For the international NGOs, Haiti has become "a place of forced passage". I would say even worse that it is a "training ground". The age of those who arrived after the earthquake is very young; they landed in Haiti without any experience. And Haiti, I can tell you, is not suitable for amateurs. After Jan. 12, because of massive recruitment, the professional quality has declined significantly. There is a sad relationship between the strength of the NGOs and the weakness of the Haitian state. Some NGOs exist only because of the misfortune of Haiti.
What mistakes were made after the earthquake?
Ricardo Seitenfus: Faced with the massive importation of consumer goods to feed the homeless, the situation of Haitian agriculture has deteriorated further. The country offers an open field to all humanitarian experiences. It is unacceptable from a moral standpoint to consider Haiti as a laboratory. The reconstruction of Haiti and the promise of $ 11 billion inflames lust. It seems that a lot of people come to Haiti, not for Haiti, but to do business. For me as an American it is a disgrace, an affront to our conscience. An example: the Haitian doctors that Cuba trained. More than 500 have been educated in Havana. Nearly half of them, though they should be in Haiti, are working today in the United States, Canada or France. The Cuban revolution is currently financing the training of human resources for its capitalist neighbors...
We constantly describe Haiti as the margin of the world, you feel rather that the country is a concentrate of our contemporary world?
Ricardo Seitenfus: It is the concentration of our tragedies and failures of international solidarity. We do not rise to the challenge. The world press comes to Haiti and describes the chaos. The reaction of public opinion is not unexpected. For public opinion, Haiti is one of the worst countries in the world. We must go to the Haitian culture, we must go local. I think there are too many doctors at the bedside and the majority of these doctors are economists. But in Haiti, we need anthropologists, sociologists, historians, political scientists and even theologians. Haiti is too complex for people who are in a hurry. Nobody takes the time or tries to understand what I might call "the Haitian soul". The Haitians have well grasped, that we are considered, we the international community as "a milk cow". They want to take advantage of this presence and they do so with extraordinary mastery. If the Haitians consider us only for the money that we bring it is because we are presenting ourselves like that.
Beyond the admission of failure, what solutions do you offer?
Ricardo Seitenfus: In two months, I will complete a two-year mission in Haiti. To stay here and not be overwhelmed by what I see, I had to create a number of psychological defenses. I wanted to remain an independent voice despite the weight of the organization that I represent. I have taken this view because I wanted to express my profound doubts and tell the world that it is enough. It is enough of playing with Haiti. January 12th taught me that there exists a potential of extraordinary solidarity in the world. Also, we should not forget that in the first days, it was the Haitians themselves, with bare hands, who tried to save their loved ones. Compassion has been very important in this emergency. But charity can not be the driving force in international relations. It is autonomy, sovereignty, fair trade, respect for others which must be. We need to think simultaneously of providing export opportunities for Haiti but also protect the "family farm" which is essential for the country. Haiti is the last untapped Caribbean paradise for tourism, with 1700 kilometers of pristine coastline and we need to encourage cultural tourism and avoid paving the way for a "new Eldorado" of mass tourism. The lessons that we have given have been ineffective for too long. The reconstruction and the accompaniment of a rich society is one of the last great human adventures. For 200 years, Haiti has illuminated the history of mankind and of human rights. We must provide an opportunity for the Haitians to confirm their vision.
Thursday, December 30, 2010
VIDEO - CHRISTMAS IN HAITI
Christmas here in Haiti was a difficult one for people with all that has happened over the year; especially for those living in the camps. To see a news video follow the link to:
www.youtube.com/watch?v=t8rH4nc9crI&feature=player_embedded
www.youtube.com/watch?v=t8rH4nc9crI&feature=player_embedded
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